Washington Rewrites the Rules of the Arms Market: Prioritising Spending and Strategic Value

On February 6, 2026, the U.S. replaced its long-standing "first-come, first-served" approach to arms sales with a policy prioritising high defence spenders and partners deemed strategically important. The shift tightens the link between weapons exports and U.S. national interest, reshaping alliance dynamics and the global arms market.

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Key Takeaways

  • 1U.S. policy change announced on February 6, 2026 moves from "first-come, first-served" to prioritising buyers with high defence spending and strategic importance.
  • 2Allies with larger defence budgets or critical strategic roles will receive faster, more assured access to U.S. weapons, while smaller partners could be deprioritised.
  • 3The decision increases Washington's leverage but risks pushing neglected buyers toward rival arms suppliers such as Russia and China.
  • 4Defence firms and procurement planners face greater uncertainty as supply chains and stockpiling may be reshuffled to meet new priorities.
  • 5Allies may be pressured to raise defence spending to secure or maintain priority access to U.S. systems.

Editor's
Desk

Strategic Analysis

Washington's move is an explicit statement of intent: weapons exports are now an instrument of great-power competition rather than a near-market transaction. In the short run the policy gives the U.S. added leverage over partners and adversaries by conditionalising access to advanced systems on strategic alignment and burden-sharing. Over time it could strengthen alliances that are willing and able to sustain higher defence budgets, while fragmenting the market as excluded states turn to alternative suppliers. For Beijing, Moscow and other exporters, the decision is an opening to court customers who lose priority with Washington. Domestically, the change reflects Beltway realism about scarce stocks and congressional scrutiny; internationally, it risks making security relationships more transactional and less predictable—heightening incentives for hedging, regional arms races, and the diplomatic competition to capture customers displaced by U.S. prioritisation.

China Daily Brief Editorial
Strategic Insight
China Daily Brief

On February 6, 2026, the United States announced a decisive shift in its arms-export policy, replacing a decades-old "first-come, first-served" approach with a prioritisation scheme that favours buyers who spend more on defence and those judged strategically important to U.S. interests. The change formally ties weapons transfers more tightly to geopolitics and budgetary heft, signaling that access to American systems will be rationed according to Washington's strategic calculus.

Tying export decisions to national interest and defence spending alters the mechanics of alliance management. Recipients that are large defence spenders or occupy key positions in Washington's rivalry with great powers will see faster approvals and firmer commitments. Conversely, smaller partners or purchasers with limited defence budgets may find themselves delayed or deprioritised, even if they have relied on predictable procurement windows for years.

The policy recalibration has immediate implications for theatres from Eastern Europe to the Indo-Pacific and the Gulf. Countries long accustomed to steady flows of U.S. materiel will now have to demonstrate strategic value or expand defence budgets to stay near the front of the queue. That dynamic raises questions about predictable support for partners such as Ukraine or Taiwan, where political backing has been strong but defence-spending metrics and competing priorities vary.

Beyond bilateral ties, the announcement will reshape the global arms market. Washington's greater selectivity creates commercial opportunities for other suppliers—principally Russia, China, and certain European exporters—that are willing to sell on different terms or to customers the U.S. downgrades. It also increases the geopolitical leverage of arms policy: the United States can use access to its advanced systems as both carrot and stick, but at the cost of making arms sales an even more explicit instrument of coercion and diplomacy.

Operationally, defence companies and allied procurement offices will face renewed uncertainty. A prioritisation regime can accelerate delivery for some programmes while squeezing supply chains and budgets for others, complicating industrial planning and stockpiling. It also elevates the strategic logic behind allied defence spending, making higher budgets a pathway not only to capability but to political favour with Washington.

The change is less a tactical tweak than a strategic recalibration. By making arms exports contingent on perceived national interest and defence outlays, Washington is formalising a trade-off between predictability for partners and the leverage of a hegemonic supplier. The result will be a more politicised market in which alliances are reinforced by money and geostrategy, and where states that cannot or will not meet Washington's new criteria look elsewhere for weapons and security guarantees.

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